Showing posts with label Barack-Obama. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Barack-Obama. Show all posts

Thursday, May 5, 2016

President Obama Legacy among the Greatest of all American Presidents

And now there is a possibility of America going from one of the most respect nations to one of the despised, from a country that rose out of the ashes of economic depression to being back in the race, from a country that cared more about money than about people to one that puts people first, from having the most respected, sophisticated, highly intelligent President and First lady to having a boorish, unsophisticated, uneducated man in the White House.  How did this happen?
It did not happen over-night. America is in a stare of wild fear, fear of everything and especially fear of minorities coming and taking over their jobs.  They are mad that a Black president has done a lot for them, yes done a lot for the masses and they still cannot get over they're about to complete 8 years under President Obama's leadership.
It need not be this bad. There is a choice. VOTE a woman in the White House, vote for Hilary Clinton.  She is the only one who can

Tuesday, January 22, 2013

Prepsident Obama's Speech January 2013

http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2013/01/22/us/politics/22obama-inaugural-speech-annotated.html?ref=politics#/?annotation=194723b0b

President Obama’s Inaugural Address


Reporters and editors from The New York Times offered context and analysis on President Obama’s inaugural address. Related Article » Highlightsclick to jump to key momentsPresident Obama

Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”


Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.
Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers.
Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.

Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.
But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.

This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.


For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own. We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.

We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn.

We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.
We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries – we must claim its promise. That’s how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully – not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa; from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice – not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice.

We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths – that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.

It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law – for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.

That is our generation’s task – to make these words, these rights, these values – of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness – real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time – but it does require us to act in our time. For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, we must act knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.
My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction – and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride. They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.


You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course.
You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time – not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.

Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.
Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America

.1 of 14Obama Sets Goal to Broaden EqualityBarack Hussein Obama renewed his oath of office at midday Monday, ceremonially marking the beginning of another four years in the White House and firmly embracing a progressive agenda centered on equality and opportunity. — MICHAEL D. SHEAR

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2 of 14A Recycled LineObama also focused on the "self-evident" line in the 2004 convention speech that shot him to fame. The tone of this speech and its vision of liberalism are distinctly different from that speech, which was about finding commonality across party lines. — JODI KANTOR

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3 of 14Rebutting the 'Socialism' ChargeThroughout his presidency, Mr. Obama has repeatedly been accused of begin an enemy of business and capitalism. Some even have called him a socialist. There was more fodder in this speech to feed that accusation, including a mention of "collective action." But he also sought to temper that with this specific reference to "hard work and personal responsibility." And he made sure to say that the idea of total reliance on government is a "fiction" that the country does adhere to. — MICHAEL D. SHEAR

4 of 14The Meaning Behind "You Didn't Build That"Mr. Obama spent weeks this summer fending off Republican criticism of his line "You didn't build that" -- a reference to the argument that business owners benefit from roads and other things they didn't create. But this section makes clear just how strongly the president believes in the broader idea behind the phrase.

It also echoes another theme he has used: "We're in this together," which is originally a formulation of Jared Bernstein, one of his former economic advisers. — DAVID LEONHARDT

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5 of 14A Desire to Help the Middle ClassSince the early days of the 2008 presidential campaign, Mr. Obama has said that his top priority would be to build an economy that benefits the middle-class more than the economy did under his predecessor. The weak economy has frustrated some of his ambitions on this score, but his tax cuts for the poor and middle-class, his expansion of health insurance and other policies have all been part of this focus. — DAVID LEONHARDT

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6 of 14Obama Gets SpecificPeople frequently criticize inaugural speeches for not being very specific, as they did with President Obama four years ago.

But there was a good deal from this inaugural speech that could be important in the months ahead: the way Mr. Obama stuck to, and re-framed, the inequality argument (referring to “takers”); the way he made an affirmative case for entitlement programs (Social Security, Medicare); the significant amount of time he spent talking about climate change; and finally, the mention of Stonewall, the uprising that marked the start of the gay rights movement.

It is hard to imagine Mr. Obama having given an inaugural speech this forceful – some might say in your face – four years ago. Part of the reason is that Mr. Obama realizes he has a short window and has to, with this speech and the State of the Union, move quickly to get things done before the light begins to dim on his presidency.

But he is also, as we saw Monday, a president unbound. He is no longer worrying about running for re-election. He is able to think about what he want to do as president. Many times, when you see a president speak, you can almost see the wheels spinning in their head as they think, “How is this going to play? Am I going to stir up the opposition with this? Am I going to get bashed on critics on the blogosphere?”

Not here, not today. — ADAM NAGOURNEY

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7 of 14Health Care and the DeficitBy putting health care before the deficit, Mr. Obama was making clear that he believes — as the numbers suggest — that health-care costs are the primary reason the government faces a long-term deficit. But after facing harsh criticism of his proposals for reducing health costs in 2009 and 2010 — such as the accusations that he favored "death panels" -- he has often shied away from specifics about reducing cost growth. It remains unclear precisely which "hard choices" Mr. Obama supports to reduce the long-term deficit. — DAVID LEONHARDT

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8 of 14The Origin of 'Takers'President Obama referred in his address Monday to the notion of “takers”: Americans who are said to be living off the generosity of the government. Using the word “takers” in this way dates to at least the 1980s and has become popular among conservatives in recent years. “By accepting liberalism’s logic, we are becoming a nation of takers, a people constantly inquiring what our country can do for us, heedless of its cost to society or future generations,” Don Feder, then a Boston Herald columnist, wrote in a 1988 Heritage Foundation publication.

Mike Huckabee used the phrase in a Republican presidential debate in 2007. A Wall Street Journal opinion article in 2011 was called, "We've Become a Nation of Takers, Not Makers." Tyler Cowen, an economist at George Mason University, argued last year in The New York Times that the concept was flawed but useful. Representative Paul D. Ryan, the Republican vice presidential nominee last year, has used the word multiple times, including in this 2010 interview.

Mitt Romney may or may not have used the word in last year's presidential campaign, but he echoed the theme when he talked about the "47 percent of people" who "believe that they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you name it," as well as when he spoke of the "gifts" Mr. Obama had bestowed on his supporters. — DAVID LEONHARDT

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9 of 14Climate Change Given ProminencePresident Obama made addressing climate change the most prominent policy vow of his second Inaugural Address, setting in motion what Democrats say will be a deliberately paced but aggressive campaign built around the use of his executive powers to sidestep Congressional opposition.

In dedicating eight full sentences on the subject, more than he devoted to any other specific area, Mr. Obama is heading into the effort having extensively studied the lessons from his first term, when he failed to win passage of comprehensive legislation to reduce emissions of the gases that cause global warming. This time, the White House plans to avoid such a fight and instead focus on what it can do administratively. — RICHARD W. STEVENSON and JOHN M. BRODER

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10 of 14On SecurityOne of the most frequent criticisms of Mr. Obama's foreign policy during the 2012 campaign was that he remains naive about the threats that the world presents to American freedoms and interests. In this section -- one of the brief mentions of national security and foreign policy -- the president seeks to quickly answer that charge by reaffirming his desire to confront other nations in part by changing the image of America abroad. Without specifics, though, the mention is not likely to satisfy his most ardent security critics. — MICHAEL D. SHEAR

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11 of 14A Key ReferenceThe reference to Stonewall was extremely noteworthy. This was no obscure dog-whistle reference: Stonewall was the place of the uprising in Greenwich Village in 1969, widely viewed as the start of the modern gay-rights movement. It led to the creation of many gay-liberation groups and civil rights laws. But more striking was that in grouping Stonewall with Selma and Seneca Falls, Mr. Obama suggested that the gay-rights movement was the equivalent of the civil rights and women's movement; many black civil rights leaders had long argued against the idea that gay rights and black civil rights were similar struggles. — ADAM NAGOURNEY

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12 of 14An Unrestrained ObamaGone are the vision of a new kind of high-minded politics, the constraint of a future reelection campaign and the weight of unrealistic expectations. In their place was an unapologetic argument that modern liberalism is perfectly consistent with the spirit of the founders and a notice that, with no immediate crisis facing the nation at the start of this term, Mr. Obama intends to use the full powers of his office on behalf of progressive values.

Mr. Obama has always had an internal dialectic to him: pragmatism versus ideology, bold versus cautious, hawk versus dove, post-racial versus man of color. Those tensions all no doubt remain present to some degree.

But he has seemed since Election Day to be choosing more than he has in the past. His decision in the wake of the Newtown massacre to embark on a full-scale effort to crack down on gun violence showed him to be less shackled to political wisdom about what is possible or electorally wise; his willingness to stare down Republicans over raising the debt limit – and winning – showed that he is less likely nowadays to start a negotiation by moving to the center and trying to find common ground. — RICHARD W. STEVENSON

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13 of 14Fighting for Change

Mr. Obama has long been frustrated -- usually by Republicans -- in making good on his promise to change Washington's divisive politics. In this section, he obliquely calls out his Congressional rivals, chiding them for sticking to rigid ideologies and refusing to be flexible. And despite having his own rough-and-tumble campaign apparatus, he decries what he calls "name-calling" in the political sphere. — MICHAEL D. SHEAR

FacebookTwitter14 of 14Length of Inaugural Address About AverageWhile shorter than his first inaugural address by 299 words, the length of President Obama’s speech today was fairly average, as inaugural addresses go, according to The American President Project. At 2,096 words, Mr. Obama’s speech came in slightly under the average of 2,353 words.

The longest inaugural address in the nation’s history, at 8,460 words, was given by William Henry Harrison on March 4, 1841. Mr. Harrison broke with precedent by beginning his speech, stopping to take the oath and then resuming his address. The shortest inaugural address was George Washington’s second on March 4, 1793, in which he remarked that he would “endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor” on another occasion. — KITTY BENNETT

.By NICK CORASANITI and JOSH WILLIAMS/THE NEW YORK TIMES ..

Wednesday, September 5, 2012

The Passion of Michelle Obama

How could you not vote for the Democrat and the Obama team.  I tell you America - all that Michelle says is true. You have a rare breed of leader who is not in it for him but for the American people. He has no big agenda, but big ideas, he has no big business to put before the business of running the country, he did not grow up with a silver spoon in his mouth, he grew up like the average Americans and his own hard work has got him to where he is today. If young people aspire to be great they have a leader they can emulate. Most of all he is a fun leader who likes a good beer, smoked a bit of pot in his younger years and most of all he is a fabulous father to his girls and because of his love and respect for his wife and his daughters, women - he has your back.

There is no alternative this time Vote for your president Barack Obama and you'll be glad you did.

http://nation.foxnews.com/michelle-obama/2012/09/04/first-lady-michelle-obama-speaks-dnc

Wednesday, May 9, 2012

President Obama endorses Equality and Human Rights for Same-sex-Couples

President Obama became the first U.S. president to endorse same-sex marriage today, telling ABC News that it "should be legal."

"I've just concluded that, for me personally, it is important for me to go ahead and affirm that I think same sex couples should be able to get married," Obama told ABC's Good Morning America.
After years of what he had called an "evolving" view of the issues, Obama said family and friends gradually persuaded him that gay and lesbian couples should be treated the same as heterosexual ones.
Facing a re-election bid in which gay rights are a hot button issue, Obama also said his endorsement is a personal view, and that states should set their own marriage laws. The interview took place a day after voters in North Carolina approved a constitutional ban on gay marriage.



Tuesday, May 8, 2012

Barack Obama is Spicing up the Elections 2012

A WEEK ago the Obama re-election campaign unveiled a slogan for the fall campaign — its answer to Ronald Reagan’s “Morning in America,” Bill Clinton’s “bridge to the 21st century,” and other successful re-election pitches. There were reports that the slogan-writing process had been a struggle for the White House, and the final product bore those rumors out. “Forward,” the Obama campaign will be declaiming to Americans, which feels like a none-too-subtle admission that a look backward at the Obama economic record might be bad news for the president’s re-election prospects.
But maybe the White House doesn’t need a slogan. After all, it has a person instead: a composite character who’s been the talk of Washington these last few days, and whose imaginary life story casts the stakes in this presidential campaign into unusually sharp relief.

Her name is Julia, and she has the lead role in an Obama 2012 slide show that follows what’s supposed to be an American everywoman from childhood into retirement, tracking everything the Obama White House’s policies would do for her and everything the “Romney/Ryan” Republicans would not. The list of Obama-bestowed benefits includes Head Start when Julia’s a tyke, tax credits and Pell grants to carry her through college and low-interest loan repayment afterward, guaranteed birth control when she’s a 20-something and government-sponsored loans when she wants to start a business, all of it culminating in a stress-free retirement underwritten by Medicare and Social Security.




http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/06/opinion/sunday/douthat-the-party-of-julia.html?nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120506

Friday, October 7, 2011

Barack Obama wants to rescue child soldiers



Obama Backs Military Aid to Countries that Use Child Soldiers


For the second year in a row, U.S. President Barack Obama has waived a Congressionally-mandated ban on military aid for four countries that use child soldiers.

October 6, 2011


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Start an Online Petition � For the second year in a row, U.S. President Barack Obama has waived a Congressionally-mandated ban on military aid for four countries that use child soldiers.



The four countries that will continue to receive military assistance despite the use of child soldiers in their armed forces include Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Yemen and the newly independent nation of South Sudan, according to a memo released by the White House late Tuesday.



All four, which are slated to receive a total of more than 200 million dollars in military aid in 2012, were given waivers by the administration last year, as well.



The latest decision was denounced by Human Rights Watch (HRW) which said it showed "a lack of leadership and a disregard for U.S. law".



"Countries that keep using child soldiers aren't going to get serious about ending the practice until they see the U.S. is serious about withholding the money," said Jo Becker, who heads HRW's children's rights division.



"The Obama administration has been unwilling to make even small cuts to military assistance to governments exploiting children as soldiers," she added. "Children are paying the price for its poor leadership."



Under the U.S. Child Soldiers Prevention Act of 2008, which took effect in 2010, Washington is banned from providing U.S. foreign military financing (FMF), military training, and several other military aid programmes to countries that recruit soldiers under the age of 18.



Obama can waive the bans if he determines that doing so would serve "the national interest".



Five countries, as well as the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) in what in July became South Sudan, were identified last year as using child soldiers during 2009. They included Chad, the DRC, Yemen, Somalia, and Myanmar. Of those, only Somalia and Burma, with which the U.S. has no military ties anyway, were not given waivers.



At the time, the White House said that the other three countries and the SPLA had been "put…on notice" that they would be subject to future sanctions if they did not stop or reduce their recruitment practices.



In a private conference call, National Security Council Senior Director Samantha Power assured concerned non-governmental organisation (NGOs) representatives that the administration would fully enforce the law in 2011, according to foreignpolicy.com's The Cable blogger, Josh Rogin, who listened in on the call.



Of the four countries granted waivers this year, Yemen, which receives more than 100 million dollars a year in U.S. military and counterterrorism assistance, was perhaps the most notable, if only because the administration could not point to any effort on the part of its government to address the child soldier problem during the past year.



"Cooperation with the Yemeni government is a vital piece of the U.S. national strategy to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa'ida and its affiliates and adherents by denying them sanctuary in the ungoverned spaces of Yemen's hinterland," the White House said in a memo justifying the waivers.



"Removing the Administration's flexibility to provide security assistance would have the potential to jeopardize the Yemeni government's capability to conduct special operations and counterterrorism missions," it said.



HRW said its monitors had observed child soldiers serving with Central Security, an elite paramilitary unit, and General Security, a police force in the capital, Sana'a, as recently as August. In addition, officers in the army's First Armoured Division, which joined the opposition earlier this year, told HRW that it had recruited children who were 15 years old or even younger, before its defection.



On South Sudan, which is supposed to receive 100 million dollars in military aid next year, the administration took the position in a meeting with NGOs Tuesday afternoon that the law should not apply to it this year since it did not exist as an independent country until after the publication in June of the State Department's 2011 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report, according to The Cable blog. The report includes the official list of countries which use child soldiers.



The administration insisted that some progress had been made over the past year in addressing the child soldier problem in both Chad and the DRC.



In Chad, according to the White House, the government had issued an "action plan" to halt child recruitment and demobilise child soldiers and taken some steps towards its implementation. It said a U.N.-led task force charged with monitoring the problem had not verified any cases of recruitment during 2011 and that the government had turned over some 1,000 children to UNICEF and NGOs for re-integration programmes.



As for the DRC, the administration said it has taken "some steps to reduce child soldiers" over the past year and that some of its army commanders have made "an effort to remove child soldiers from the ranks and turn them over to the U.N.'s peace-keeping mission, UNICEF, and other humanitarian organisations.



It added, however, that the ongoing process of integrating rebel and militia groups that have also used child soldiers has made the effort more challenging. "As a result, the progress that has been made …does not yet represent the kind of institutional change required to make real progress toward eliminating child soldiers," the White House claimed.



As a result, the White House decided to grant a partial waiver whereby it will continue its military training programmes and provide non-lethal equipment to the army but withhold some 1.3 million dollars in FMF monies until the government signs and cooperates more fully with U.N. efforts to end the use of child soldiers.



HRW's Becker called the partial waiver a "positive step".



Somalia, which, like last year, was also found by the State Department to be using child soldiers, is not affected by the law, because U.S. military aid to the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is channelled through the State Department's peacekeeping account.



*Jim Lobe's blog on U.S. foreign policy can be read at http://www.lobelog.com.













http://www.alternet.org/story/152635/obama_backs_aid_for_military_aid_to_countries_that_use_child_soldiers?akid=7675.35630.Jub6_m&rd=1&t=27

Tuesday, September 27, 2011

President Obama speech to the UN

The White House




Office of the Press Secretary



For Immediate Release September 21, 2011 Remarks by President Obama in Address to the United Nations General Assembly

United Nations

New York, New York



10:12 A.M. EDT



PRESIDENT OBAMA: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: It is a great honor for me to be here today. I would like to talk to you about a subject that is at the heart of the United Nations -- the pursuit of peace in an imperfect world.



War and conflict have been with us since the beginning of civilizations. But in the first part of the 20th century, the advance of modern weaponry led to death on a staggering scale. It was this killing that compelled the founders of this body to build an institution that was focused not just on ending one war, but on averting others; a union of sovereign states that would seek to prevent conflict, while also addressing its causes.



No American did more to pursue this objective than President Franklin Roosevelt. He knew that a victory in war was not enough. As he said at one of the very first meetings on the founding of the United Nations, “We have got to make, not merely peace, but a peace that will last.”



The men and women who built this institution understood that peace is more than just the absence of war. A lasting peace -- for nations and for individuals -- depends on a sense of justice and opportunity, of dignity and freedom. It depends on struggle and sacrifice, on compromise, and on a sense of common humanity.



One delegate to the San Francisco Conference that led to the creation of the United Nations put it well: “Many people,” she said, “have talked as if all that has to be done to get peace was to say loudly and frequently that we loved peace and we hated war. Now we have learned that no matter how much we love peace and hate war, we cannot avoid having war brought upon us if there are convulsions in other parts of the world.”



The fact is peace is hard. But our people demand it. Over nearly seven decades, even as the United Nations helped avert a third world war, we still live in a world scarred by conflict and plagued by poverty. Even as we proclaim our love for peace and our hatred of war, there are still convulsions in our world that endanger us all.



I took office at a time of two wars for the United States. Moreover, the violent extremists who drew us into war in the first place -- Osama bin Laden, and his al Qaeda organization -- remained at large. Today, we've set a new direction.

At the end of this year, America’s military operation in Iraq will be over. We will have a normal relationship with a sovereign nation that is a member of the community of nations. That equal partnership will be strengthened by our support for Iraq -- for its government and for its security forces, for its people and for their aspirations.
As we end the war in Iraq, the United States and our coalition partners have begun a transition in Afghanistan. Between now and 2014, an increasingly capable Afghan government and security forces will step forward to take responsibility for the future of their country. As they do, we are drawing down our own forces, while building an enduring partnership with the Afghan people.

So let there be no doubt: The tide of war is receding. When I took office, roughly 180,000 Americans were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. By the end of this year, that number will be cut in half, and it will continue to decline. This is critical for the sovereignty of Iraq and Afghanistan. It’s also critical to the strength of the United States as we build our nation at home.


Moreover, we are poised to end these wars from a position of strength. Ten years ago, there was an open wound and twisted steel, a broken heart in the center of this city. Today, as a new tower is rising at Ground Zero, it symbolizes New York’s renewal, even as al Qaeda is under more pressure than ever before. Its leadership has been degraded. And Osama bin Laden, a man who murdered thousands of people from dozens of countries, will never endanger the peace of the world again.

So, yes, this has been a difficult decade. But today, we stand at a crossroads of history with the chance to move decisively in the direction of peace. To do so, we must return to the wisdom of those who created this institution. The United Nations’ Founding Charter calls upon us, “to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security.” And Article 1 of this General Assembly’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights reminds us that, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and in rights.” Those bedrock beliefs -- in the responsibility of states, and the rights of men and women -- must be our guide.

And in that effort, we have reason to hope. This year has been a time of extraordinary transformation. More nations have stepped forward to maintain international peace and security. And more individuals are claiming their universal right to live in freedom and dignity.

Think about it: One year ago, when we met here in New York, the prospect of a successful referendum in South Sudan was in doubt. But the international community overcame old divisions to support the agreement that had been negotiated to give South Sudan self-determination. And last summer, as a new flag went up in Juba, former soldiers laid down their arms, men and women wept with joy, and children finally knew the promise of looking to a future that they will shape.
One year ago, the people of Côte D’Ivoire approached a landmark election. And when the incumbent lost, and refused to respect the results, the world refused to look the other way. U.N. peacekeepers were harassed, but they did not leave their posts. The Security Council, led by the United States and Nigeria and France, came together to support the will of the people. And Côte D’Ivoire is now governed by the man who was elected to lead.

One year ago, the hopes of the people of Tunisia were suppressed. But they chose the dignity of peaceful protest over the rule of an iron fist. A vendor lit a spark that took his own life, but he ignited a movement. In a face of a crackdown, students spelled out the word, "freedom." The balance of fear shifted from the ruler to those that he ruled. And now the people of Tunisia are preparing for elections that will move them one step closer to the democracy that they deserve.

One year ago, Egypt had known one President for nearly 30 years. But for 18 days, the eyes of the world were glued to Tahrir Square, where Egyptians from all walks of life -- men and women, young and old, Muslim and Christian -- demanded their universal rights. We saw in those protesters the moral force of non-violence that has lit the world from Delhi to Warsaw, from Selma to South Africa -- and we knew that change had come to Egypt and to the Arab world.
One year ago, the people of Libya were ruled by the world’s longest-serving dictator. But faced with bullets and bombs and a dictator who threatened to hunt them down like rats, they showed relentless bravery. We will never forget the words of the Libyan who stood up in those early days of the revolution and said, “Our words are free now.” It’s a feeling you can’t explain. Day after day, in the face of bullets and bombs, the Libyan people refused to give back that freedom. And when they were threatened by the kind of mass atrocity that often went unchallenged in the last century, the United Nations lived up to its charter. The Security Council authorized all necessary measures to prevent a massacre. The Arab League called for this effort; Arab nations joined a NATO-led coalition that halted Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks.
In the months that followed, the will of the coalition proved unbreakable, and the will of the Libyan people could not be denied. Forty-two years of tyranny was ended in six months. From Tripoli to Misurata to Benghazi -- today, Libya is free. Yesterday, the leaders of a new Libya took their rightful place beside us, and this week, the United States is reopening our embassy in Tripoli.

This is how the international community is supposed to work -- nations standing together for the sake of peace and security, and individuals claiming their rights. Now, all of us have a responsibility to support the new Libya -- the new Libyan government as they confront the challenge of turning this moment of promise into a just and lasting peace for all Libyans.

So this has been a remarkable year. The Qaddafi regime is over. Gbagbo, Ben Ali, Mubarak are no longer in power. Osama bin Laden is gone, and the idea that change could only come through violence has been buried with him. Something is happening in our world. The way things have been is not the way that they will be. The humiliating grip of corruption and tyranny is being pried open. Dictators are on notice. Technology is putting power into the hands of the people. The youth are delivering a powerful rebuke to dictatorship, and rejecting the lie that some races, some peoples, some religions, some ethnicities do not desire democracy. The promise written down on paper -- “all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights” -- is closer at hand.
But let us remember: Peace is hard. Peace is hard. Progress can be reversed. Prosperity comes slowly. Societies can split apart. The measure of our success must be whether people can live in sustained freedom, dignity, and security. And the United Nations and its member states must do their part to support those basic aspirations. And we have more work to do.
In Iran, we've seen a government that refuses to recognize the rights of its own people. As we meet here today, men and women and children are being tortured, detained and murdered by the Syrian regime. Thousands have been killed, many during the holy time of Ramadan. Thousands more have poured across Syria’s borders. The Syrian people have shown dignity and courage in their pursuit of justice -- protesting peacefully, standing silently in the streets, dying for the same values that this institution is supposed to stand for. And the question for us is clear: Will we stand with the Syrian people, or with their oppressors?

Already, the United States has imposed strong sanctions on Syria’s leaders. We supported a transfer of power that is responsive to the Syrian people. And many of our allies have joined in this effort. But for the sake of Syria -- and the peace and security of the world -- we must speak with one voice. There's no excuse for inaction. Now is the time for the United Nations Security Council to sanction the Syrian regime, and to stand with the Syrian people.

Throughout the region, we will have to respond to the calls for change. In Yemen, men, women and children gather by the thousands in towns and city squares every day with the hope that their determination and spilled blood will prevail over a corrupt system. America supports those aspirations. We must work with Yemen’s neighbors and our partners around the world to seek a path that allows for a peaceful transition of power from President Saleh, and a movement to free and fair elections as soon as possible.



In Bahrain, steps have been taken toward reform and accountability. We’re pleased with that, but more is required. America is a close friend of Bahrain, and we will continue to call on the government and the main opposition bloc -- the Wifaq -- to pursue a meaningful dialogue that brings peaceful change that is responsive to the people. We believe the patriotism that binds Bahrainis together must be more powerful than the sectarian forces that would tear them apart. It will be hard, but it is possible.



We believe that each nation must chart its own course to fulfill the aspirations of its people, and America does not expect to agree with every party or person who expresses themselves politically. But we will always stand up for the universal rights that were embraced by this Assembly. Those rights depend on elections that are free and fair; on governance that is transparent and accountable; respect for the rights of women and minorities; justice that is equal and fair. That is what our people deserve. Those are the elements of peace that can last.



Moreover, the United States will continue to support those nations that transition to democracy -- with greater trade and investment -- so that freedom is followed by opportunity. We will pursue a deeper engagement with governments, but also with civil society -- students and entrepreneurs, political parties and the press. We have banned those who abuse human rights from traveling to our country. And we’ve sanctioned those who trample on human rights abroad. And we will always serve as a voice for those who've been silenced.

Now, I know, particularly this week, that for many in this hall, there's one issue that stands as a test for these principles and a test for American foreign policy, and that is the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

One year ago, I stood at this podium and I called for an independent Palestine. I believed then, and I believe now, that the Palestinian people deserve a state of their own. But what I also said is that a genuine peace can only be realized between the Israelis and the Palestinians themselves. One year later, despite extensive efforts by America and others, the parties have not bridged their differences. Faced with this stalemate, I put forward a new basis for negotiations in May of this year. That basis is clear. It’s well known to all of us here. Israelis must know that any agreement provides assurances for their security. Palestinians deserve to know the territorial basis of their state.
Now, I know that many are frustrated by the lack of progress. I assure you, so am I. But the question isn’t the goal that we seek -- the question is how do we reach that goal. And I am convinced that there is no short cut to the end of a conflict that has endured for decades. Peace is hard work. Peace will not come through statements and resolutions at the United Nations -- if it were that easy, it would have been accomplished by now. Ultimately, it is the Israelis and the Palestinians who must live side by side. Ultimately, it is the Israelis and the Palestinians -- not us –- who must reach agreement on the issues that divide them: on borders and on security, on refugees and Jerusalem.

Ultimately, peace depends upon compromise among people who must live together long after our speeches are over, long after our votes have been tallied. That’s the lesson of Northern Ireland, where ancient antagonists bridged their differences. That’s the lesson of Sudan, where a negotiated settlement led to an independent state. And that is and will be the path to a Palestinian state -- negotiations between the parties.
We seek a future where Palestinians live in a sovereign state of their own, with no limit to what they can achieve. There’s no question that the Palestinians have seen that vision delayed for too long. It is precisely because we believe so strongly in the aspirations of the Palestinian people that America has invested so much time and so much effort in the building of a Palestinian state, and the negotiations that can deliver a Palestinian state.

But understand this as well: America’s commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. Our friendship with Israel is deep and enduring. And so we believe that any lasting peace must acknowledge the very real security concerns that Israel faces every single day.

Let us be honest with ourselves: Israel is surrounded by neighbors that have waged repeated wars against it. Israel’s citizens have been killed by rockets fired at their houses and suicide bombs on their buses. Israel’s children come of age knowing that throughout the region, other children are taught to hate them. Israel, a small country of less than eight million people, look out at a world where leaders of much larger nations threaten to wipe it off of the map. The Jewish people carry the burden of centuries of exile and persecution, and fresh memories of knowing that six million people were killed simply because of who they are. Those are facts. They cannot be denied.

The Jewish people have forged a successful state in their historic homeland. Israel deserves recognition. It deserves normal relations with its neighbors. And friends of the Palestinians do them no favors by ignoring this truth, just as friends of Israel must recognize the need to pursue a two-state solution with a secure Israel next to an independent Palestine.
That is the truth -- each side has legitimate aspirations -- and that’s part of what makes peace so hard. And the deadlock will only be broken when each side learns to stand in the other’s shoes; each side can see the world through the other’s eyes. That’s what we should be encouraging. That’s what we should be promoting.

This body -- founded, as it was, out of the ashes of war and genocide, dedicated, as it is, to the dignity of every single person -- must recognize the reality that is lived by both the Palestinians and the Israelis. The measure of our actions must always be whether they advance the right of Israeli and Palestinian children to live lives of peace and security and dignity and opportunity. And we will only succeed in that effort if we can encourage the parties to sit down, to listen to each other, and to understand each other’s hopes and each other’s fears. That is the project to which America is committed. There are no shortcuts. And that is what the United Nations should be focused on in the weeks and months to come.

Now, even as we confront these challenges of conflict and revolution, we must also recognize -- we must also remind ourselves -- that peace is not just the absence of war. True peace depends on creating the opportunity that makes life worth living. And to do that, we must confront the common enemies of humanity: nuclear weapons and poverty, ignorance and disease. These forces corrode the possibility of lasting peace and together we're called upon to confront them.

To lift the specter of mass destruction, we must come together to pursue the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. Over the last two years, we've begun to walk down that path. Since our Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, nearly 50 nations have taken steps to secure nuclear materials from terrorists and smugglers. Next March, a summit in Seoul will advance our efforts to lock down all of them. The New START Treaty between the United States and Russia will cut our deployed arsenals to the lowest level in half a century, and our nations are pursuing talks on how to achieve even deeper reductions. America will continue to work for a ban on the testing of nuclear weapons and the production of fissile material needed to make them.

And so we have begun to move in the right direction. And the United States is committed to meeting our obligations. But even as we meet our obligations, we’ve strengthened the treaties and institutions that help stop the spread of these weapons. And to do so, we must continue to hold accountable those nations that flout them.

The Iranian government cannot demonstrate that its program is peaceful. It has not met its obligations and it rejects offers that would provide it with peaceful nuclear power. North Korea has yet to take concrete steps towards abandoning its weapons and continues belligerent action against the South. There's a future of greater opportunity for the people of these nations if their governments meet their international obligations. But if they continue down a path that is outside international law, they must be met with greater pressure and isolation. That is what our commitment to peace and security demands.

To bring prosperity to our people, we must promote the growth that creates opportunity. In this effort, let us not forget that we’ve made enormous progress over the last several decades. Closed societies gave way to open markets. Innovation and entrepreneurship has transformed the way we live and the things that we do. Emerging economies from Asia to the Americas have lifted hundreds of millions of people from poverty. It’s an extraordinary achievement. And yet, three years ago, we were confronted with the worst financial crisis in eight decades. And that crisis proved a fact that has become clearer with each passing year -- our fates are interconnected. In a global economy, nations will rise, or fall, together.

And today, we confront the challenges that have followed on the heels of that crisis. Around the world recovery is still fragile. Markets remain volatile. Too many people are out of work. Too many others are struggling just to get by. We acted together to avert a depression in 2009. We must take urgent and coordinated action once more. Here in the United States, I've announced a plan to put Americans back to work and jumpstart our economy, at the same time as I’m committed to substantially reducing our deficits over time.

We stand with our European allies as they reshape their institutions and address their own fiscal challenges. For other countries, leaders face a different challenge as they shift their economy towards more self-reliance, boosting domestic demand while slowing inflation. So we will work with emerging economies that have rebounded strongly, so that rising standards of living create new markets that promote global growth. That’s what our commitment to prosperity demands.

To combat the poverty that punishes our children, we must act on the belief that freedom from want is a basic human right. The United States has made it a focus of our engagement abroad to help people to feed themselves. And today, as drought and conflict have brought famine to the Horn of Africa, our conscience calls on us to act. Together, we must continue to provide assistance, and support organizations that can reach those in need. And together, we must insist on unrestricted humanitarian access so that we can save the lives of thousands of men and women and children. Our common humanity is at stake. Let us show that the life of a child in Somalia is as precious as any other. That is what our commitment to our fellow human beings demand.

To stop disease that spreads across borders, we must strengthen our system of public health. We will continue the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. We will focus on the health of mothers and of children. And we must come together to prevent, and detect, and fight every kind of biological danger -- whether it’s a pandemic like H1N1, or a terrorist threat, or a treatable disease.

This week, America signed an agreement with the World Health Organization to affirm our commitment to meet this challenge. And today, I urge all nations to join us in meeting the HWO’s [sic] goal of making sure all nations have core capacities to address public health emergencies in place by 2012. That is what our commitment to the health of our people demands.



To preserve our planet, we must not put off action that climate change demands. We have to tap the power of science to save those resources that are scarce. And together, we must continue our work to build on the progress made in Copenhagen and Cancun, so that all the major economies here today follow through on the commitments that were made. Together, we must work to transform the energy that powers our economies, and support others as they move down that path. That is what our commitment to the next generation demands.



And to make sure our societies reach their potential, we must allow our citizens to reach theirs. No country can afford the corruption that plagues the world like a cancer. Together, we must harness the power of open societies and open economies. That’s why we’ve partnered with countries from across the globe to launch a new partnership on open government that helps ensure accountability and helps to empower citizens. No country should deny people their rights to freedom of speech and freedom of religion, but also no country should deny people their rights because of who they love, which is why we must stand up for the rights of gays and lesbians everywhere.



And no country can realize its potential if half its population cannot reach theirs. This week, the United States signed a new Declaration on Women’s Participation. Next year, we should each announce the steps we are taking to break down the economic and political barriers that stand in the way of women and girls. This is what our commitment to human progress demands.



I know there’s no straight line to that progress, no single path to success. We come from different cultures, and carry with us different histories. But let us never forget that even as we gather here as heads of different governments, we represent citizens who share the same basic aspirations -- to live with dignity and freedom; to get an education and pursue opportunity; to love our families, and love and worship our God; to live in the kind of peace that makes life worth living.



It is the nature of our imperfect world that we are forced to learn these lessons over and over again. Conflict and repression will endure so long as some people refuse to do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Yet that is precisely why we have built institutions like this -- to bind our fates together, to help us recognize ourselves in each other -- because those who came before us believed that peace is preferable to war, and freedom is preferable to suppression, and prosperity is preferable to poverty. That’s the message that comes not from capitals, but from citizens, from our people.



And when the cornerstone of this very building was put in place, President Truman came here to New York and said, “The United Nations is essentially an expression of the moral nature of man’s aspirations.” The moral nature of man’s aspirations. As we live in a world that is changing at a breathtaking pace, that’s a lesson that we must never forget.

Peace is hard, but we know that it is possible. So, together, let us be resolved to see that it is defined by our hopes and not by our fears. Together, let us make peace, but a peace, most importantly, that will last.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)END

10:47 A.M. EDT

Friday, September 9, 2011

Analysis of President Obama's Economic Recovery Speech

Obama jobs speech: Psychologist-in-Chief


Analysis: President Obama's jobs speech was one-part Maynard Keynes, and three-parts Sigmund Freud. Will it work?

Thomas MuchaSeptember 9, 2011 15:03



President Barack Obama addresses a joint session of the United States Congress on the subject of job creation on Capitol Hill in Washington, September 8, 2011. (Pool/AFP/Getty Images)

BOSTON — Forget the politics of President Barack Obama's jobs speech Thursday night before a joint session of Congress.

Forget the way many Republicans failed to clap and how Democrats thundered their approval.

Forget John Boehner's measured response or what Rick Perry, Mitt Romney and Michele Bachmann might have to say about it.

You can even — almost — forget the economics of the plan, a fairly modest mix of tax breaks, unemployment insurance benefits and infrastructure spending which President Obama summed up in a single paragraph:

The purpose of the American Jobs Act is simple: to put more people back to work and more money in the pockets of those who are working. It will create more jobs for construction workers, more jobs for teachers, more jobs for veterans, and more jobs for the long-term unemployed. It will provide a tax break for companies who hire new workers, and it will cut payroll taxes in half for every working American and every small business.

Republican leaders attacked the jobs plan as mere words. Here's Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus:

This hardly merited a nationally televised address to a joint session of Congress. More speeches, more words and more hot air from this president is not what America is looking for.

But forget that line of criticism, too.

That's because, in economics, words matter.

They're important because — for all the retrograde statistical analysis, supply-and-demand charts and myriad equations economists love to throw around — economics comes down to one simple idea: confidence.

Do people have confidence they will find and keep a job? Do business leaders have confidence to hire new workers? Do Americans have confidence that their political system can allieviate their real economic problems? Do investors have confidence that U.S. leaders can put America's long-term financial picture into reasonable order?

If the answer is no, then consumers won't part with their money — a terminal flaw in a country where two-thirds of economic activity comes from consumer spending.

If the answer is no, then businesses won't hire, which matters because people tend not to spend when they don't have paychecks.

And if global investors don't believe America can pay its bills they will demand higher interest rates for U.S. Treasuries, which further damages consumer and business confidence.

Confidence is what matters most to the U.S. economy. It holds the entire thing together.

That's precisely the ethereal ground Obama covered. He crafted a straightforward, logical and sometimes inspirational speech that was one-part Maynard Keynes and three-parts Sigmund Freud.

The Psychologist-in-Chief needed to restore confidence in the economy and in our broken political system, while addressing America's uncertain place in a rapidly-shifting global economic order.

And he had to do it in the face of a rapidly deteriorating economy, amid his own plummeting approval ratings and in the glare and blare of a presidential election.

His approach was simple: Obama laid out the basics of the plan, then poured on the psychology — a mix of gentle challenges and soaring rhetoric that he has made his trademark.

To Americans worried about their immediate economic futures, President Obama-Freud was calm, collected and full of confidence-inspiring details (though he was woefully light on how to pay for it).

Most importantly, he forcefully reassured his uneasy audience that government will not let them down:

What we can’t do — what I will not do — is let this economic crisis be used as an excuse to wipe out the basic protections that Americans have counted on for decades.

To Republican lawmakers, he repeated the mantra "pass this bill" no less than eight times, a remarkable feat in a speech that lasted 34 minutes. But, ever mindful of psychology, the demand came with some sugar:

There should be nothing controversial about this piece of legislation. Everything in here is the kind of proposal that’s been supported by both Democrats and Republicans, including many who sit here tonight.

To America's wealthiest, he urged them to pay more in taxes. But he did so by using the advice of one of the country's richest people:

While most people in this country struggle to make ends meet, a few of the most affluent citizens and most profitable corporations enjoy tax breaks and loopholes that nobody else gets. Right now, Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary, an outrage he has asked us to fix. We need a tax code where everyone gets a fair shake and where everybody pays their fair share. And by the way, I believe the vast majority of wealthy Americans and CEOs are willing to do just that if it helps the economy grow and gets our fiscal house in order.

To business leaders and workers, he offered this pep talk:

Yes, we are rugged individualists. Yes, we are strong and self-reliant. And it has been the drive and initiative of our workers and entrepreneurs that has made this economy the engine and the envy of the world.

And in an attempt to show his entire audience that we've been here before, he recalled America's darkest hour:

We all remember Abraham Lincoln as the leader who saved our Union. Founder of the Republican Party. But in the middle of a civil war he was also a leader who looked to the future — a Republican President who mobilized government to build the Transcontinental Railroad, launch the National Academy of Sciences, set up the first land grant colleges. And leaders of both parties have followed the example he set.

Taken together, the speech was designed to calm nerves, urge action and — yet again — convice Americans to come together as a country and as a people, regardless of our political differences.

Will it work?

The odds are certainly against it. The proposals aren't likely to thrill proponents of Keynesenian economics who argue for more aggressive government spending to stimulate consumer demand. And, clearly, America's structural economic problems run deep. The political divisions may be even deeper. Moreover, Obama's call to action comes very late to the more than 14 million Americans now out of work.

But better late than never.

And by focusing on the key ingredient of confidence, President Obama has taken the first step in helping to restore at least some measure of strength in the world's largest economy. Even — and especially — if the message is just all in our heads.

Friday, December 10, 2010

Obama’s Very Good Week - NYTimes.com

One Opinionater says President Barack Obama has had a good week. He has returned to his place of political ideology of network liberal strike which places him in one political point in the universe but with the kowledge that he has to make compromises and work with others to achieve his goals.
Good analysis.
Obama’s Very Good Week - NYTimes.com

Monday, September 20, 2010

Understanding the Witch-Hunt Against Obama | | AlterNet

Is American going to let the media decide Obama's fate?  Or will they think for themselves for a change? Look at Obama's record.  He has pulled America out of the quagmire left my Mr. George Bush and the republicans - do they want to return to more of what got them into the mess Mr. Obama is trying to clean up, if they do, this time there will be no coming back up. China or India will supersede the Lord of the Land. I urge people to not abandon ship  at mid sea, stick with the President. He has a good plan to get America working but be patience. This is not your McDonald's fast food situation and you know all about fast food, it's not good for health. stay the course people.
Understanding the Witch-Hunt Against Obama AlterNet

Thursday, April 22, 2010

The Hardest Working Prez the United States of America has ever had

Perhaps it is because he is the first Black President, he works so hard. He knows that upon his shoulders rest the burden of role model for Blacks all over the world and how he does in the White House will be reflected on all Blacks for generations to come. He wants to do well and he is. He wants to be honest and he is. It is the one think I like and admire about this man. He honestly believe in what he is doing and to be that is the measure of the man. He wants to honour his promise to the American people. Like those who develop their bucket lists, Obama has his list of promises and I can see him ticking each one as it is accomplished. He is firm and is not distracted by those who choose to attend Tea parties and rallies while enjoying the benefit of income assistance through programs he has introduced. He is not distracted by those who are waiting to put their foot out to trip him as he runs to serve the American people. Nothing will trip him, he will just jump right over your feet and keep on trucking for that's who he is.

I received this in my email and I thought I should share it with you and you can share it if you are so inclined

I Folks, If you have not noticed....few Presidents have ever worked this hard for our country, having to deal with such hatred and ill-will. Many wonder, does he ever sleep? Only God can sustain such energy, knowledge and person. Will you please join in this prayer?



Lord,
We pray for optimum health, mental clarity and political prosperity for President Barack H. Obama. We pray that what he lacks in political 'experience' you make up for with supernatural wisdom and power.

We also pray that when his enemies come upon him they will stumble and fall; and that your love will fill his heart to the end that 'Your will' be done through him.

We pray mightily for his protection. As we plead the Blood of your son, Jesus, over him and his family. We reverently ask you to dispatch legions of angels to protect them from all hurt, harm, danger as he serves as the President of the United States of America .

We thank you and praise you for answering our sincere prayers, in Jesus' precious name,

AMEN
All you are asked to do is keep this circulating if you are so inclined.
May God bless and keep you...